The Re-current Famine and Drought in Ethiopia

The persistent of man-made disaster, drought and famine every decade or so in Ethiopia that affects millions families and children may create doubts in the minds of many in respect to the ability and policies of different leaders in the country. Most regime in the country have inherited famine related stigma, ill-advised budget allocations, and dependency on international support to govern the country. This similar trend with damaging consequences for the future of the country may highlight some grass root problems with regimes that have ruled throughout history in the country. A vital question, nonetheless, is why should a country with large water and agricultural potentials keeps shamming its own nationals and officials over the world for something that by far can be curved.

Looking at the entire Ethiopia, there is huge water reserve that could sustain agricultural activities throughout the year. From Gojam and Gonder in the north to the tips of the Ethiopian borders in the west and south water is plenty to focus on sustainable agricultural development and feed the Ethiopian society without dependence on the international food aid and assistance. Moreover, land shortage as believed by some, in my view, cannot be an issue if long-term food security programme is sought and pivotal to every regime’s policies. But as many could agree, many policies are based on short-term outlook for the future of the country. For example, many governments in the country have had resettlement programme as irreplaceable alternative to manage food shortage and ugly national image in the global village. On the contrary, such alternative could affect the entire country in the longer term than seen in the short run.       

In fact, the reality is that the Ethiopian society, apparently, seems to have been consumed for several years from impractical government policies some of which may perhaps be ambitious enough without references to the trends of events in the pasts. What seems to look feasible options to demonstrate the country economic reality and resources in most cases are missing in the equations of development. Of course, it is easy to conclude that like many other countries in the African continent, a number of Ethiopian governments have fallen due to their inabilities to reflect, consider the country priority, and allocate resources at their disposal in equitable way to benefit the majority populations for several years.  

Beginning from Emperor Haile Sellasie, drought and famine took lives of many innocent citizens, shattered hope of families of decent living and brought immense misery to wider society. This was evident from the student led upheaval that destroyed the fabrics of the regime in early 1970s. The change of government primarily was hope for many in respect to democratisation, economic growth, power to the commons and modernisation of largely traditional and small scale industries. The ambition of many who lost their precious lives in the process of revolution falls short of its goals. The military officials hijacked the good cause to transform the Ethiopian society and economy. The introduction of divisive political ideology dashed the hope of democracy, good governance, and respect for fundamental human rights dreamed by many young school age children who torched lights of Ethiopian revolution though many would agree on the early intervention of the military regime to assume power with the hope to hand over power back to the civilians when calm returns. But this could not happen until the regime was swift away by similar famine and drought as its predecessor.  

Indeed, the junta, one would have thought to have learnt from the past mistakes of the regime whose downfall has its primary origin in the famine related issues. But this had not been the case. Instead, the regime took the similar bad news and had hardly stayed for a decade before Ethiopia was again on the same path of famine news. Certainly, the scorches of famines, resettlement programmes and many more shortened the development goals, if any, of the military rule in the country. Obviously, famine was at the heart of downfall of the military junta as its predecessor. In most cases the regime seemed to have increased their defence budgets without limit in the hope that the famine would go away with the support of international community. Even funds secured for specific purposes sometimes diverted to non famine related expenditures and as results the cycle of drought and famine continued unabated.  In general the money raised from international donors and countries although increased the defence budget heavily could not prolong the life of the Dergue.  

Noticeably, the military regime, like its predecessor, showed its true colour and the direction of development went into the hand of the very few; political cadre, military generals, and like minded individuals that worshipped the then political ideology. The famine and drought became an important instrument to seek the attention of international community and win their support in the pretext to sustain the declining economy. Many images of starving children became reality at international level but hidden from local public. In fact the amount of money donated by donors and non state actors did not reach the most needy children and families. The allocation of food aid and financial assistance, instead, followed similar path-enriching individual pockets and bank accounts of very few individual political elites. The military sustained its power through the international community support with majority school age children whose families are victims of famine ending in the war front with minimal military training and experience. The result was devastating at both family and country level. Many young men and women perished in every unnecessary multiple war fronts.

The reality remain the same during the current regime that many would have thought should have learnt from two regimes and indeed, could have stamped out famine and drought in its about two decade rule.  Contrarily, the regime remains dependant of international food aid and financial assistance. Millions of funds are sought from the international state and non state actors to relief the burden of drought and famine every year. Yet many young children die without food, medicine and clean water, donors fund used to supplement tax payers money are reallocated to defence budget, hasty resettlement programmes implemented, and young men still forced to join the army and taken to unworthy battle fields- a trend similar to the military regime in the country.   

It is with huge surprise that the subject of famine and drought has again surfaced the international media outlets. Ethiopians are shown on international media suffering from same famine and drought that seems to have become normal trend in the country’s history. The hope to involve concern stakeholders in vital decision making process, democratisation and progressive development in the country that originated with the student movement in pre-revolution Ethiopia has become an illusionary subject for the majority who wish to see grand improvement in Ethiopia. As some sources indicate, the current regime has remained defensive from the report of international non state actors in respect to famine and drought claiming lives of many citizens. It still stumbles on the famine reality affecting millions families and children. In fact the confusion to admit the suffering of innocent civilians and the sky rocketing prices of food supplies will remain for sometimes. The most obvious victim in the blame war will always be natural factors and importantly, lack/abundant of rain during one period of time. 

As mentioned earlier the abundance of water reserve in Ethiopia would realistically dismiss the blame attributes of the current regime. We have seen in the world today that some countries have turned places with barely rain fall during the year to “Garden of Eden”. This would not make Ethiopia immune from sustainable development policies that benefit the majority even though one assumes that Ethiopia is one of those dry lands in the world. The water reserve and agricultural potential of the country could make it possible for the country to increase its commercial ability in addition to food security for millions of Ethiopian citizens. But it will take awhile before Ethiopia could stop its dependence on international food aid and financial assistance if the regime as current does not learn from practical reality of the country.

The main trouble with the country recurrent famine and drought perhaps could be attributed to the ability of its leaders to formulate feasible policies that are intended to benefit their citizens instead of few individuals. Lack of interest to care for the entire country other than a single region from which the leader came from is another factor that leads to suffering of majority hard working Ethiopian citizens. The degree of favouritism, however, may vary from the regime to the regime. For instance, the military regime, though shared similar famine and drought with other regimes in the country, had slightly different outlook for the development of the country. The regime extends modernisation wings to every corner of the country including those that were deprived for centuries.  

The current regime, on the contrary, perhaps controversially based on its fundamental ideology, seems to have ignored the development of other regions other than the ideological homeland of its leaders. In addition to the capital city, Addis Ababa, regime’s investment and development policies are focused on their own home town and the region, where the political leaders of the regime originated. This made it difficult to balance the need of other regions in a country where the majority are dependent on agricultural outputs. Instead, the regime finds itself planting seeds of hatred and suspicion among peaceful communities. By doing this, the majority families are made far away from the production means and as a result becoming victims of avoidable famine and drought.  The important solution, noticeably, is that the Ethiopian societies have to learn from recurrent famine and drought common to different regimes in the country irrespective of the ideological divide, style of governance and duration of rule by improving productivity and secure food requirements for many households. This necessitates change of attitude by policy makers and how they see other regions and their inhabitants. Furthermore it is only when the policy makers and leaders in the country appreciates the benefits of adopting policies centred on the overall improvement of its citizens without biased.

Forward your comments to: