No to South Sudan, Yes to the New Sudan

I want to start this opinion piece by quoting the words of the visionary martyr, Dr. John Garang de Mabior, during the first SPLM/SPLA convention in Chukudum who said;

“The objective of the SPLM/SPLA as articulated in the 1983 Manifesto is the complete destruction of the oppressive Jellaba regime and its replacement by a Government of the New Sudan. Nothing can change this cardinal objective unless one means to surrender for a regime of oppression anywhere and at all times will not voluntarily relinquish power. Whether you are a Southerner separatist or an advocate of the New Sudan, nothing changes the reality that for either objective to be achieved, the Jellaba regime of oppression must be destroyed”.

It will be a gross malpractice when the hour arrives and our leaders and responsible citizens who have done the diligence of devoting enormous resources to understanding and finding possible solutions to the problems of the Old Sudan not to speak with clarity, decisiveness and sense of vision about the current feeling that is fundamentally altering and landscaping our nation for generations to come. As a concerned citizen, I have longed for our leaders to tell us with absolute terms where they stand on the 2011 referendum should we even get there God willing for the consequences will be dire. Our people have been blinded by the brutality of the uncalled for oppression, marginalisation and aggression by the imperialist Anglo-Egyptians colonialists followed by oppressive regimes of Sadiq al Mahdi, Ibrahim Abboud, Gaafar Nimeiri, Suwar al-Dahab, and the last oppressor of the Old Sudan Omar al-Bashir.

Therefore, it is not astonishing that many of the educated among us have become more separatist thereby passing the virus along to all who come into contact with them. The fundamental question that must be asked is not whether South Sudan should succeed; which has already been answered by the false consensus effect passed by word of mouth since the signing of the ‘incomprehensive’ Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA). The question that needs to be asked is the same fundamental question that our freedom fighters of the first liberation struggle against the Anglo-Egyptian-Jellaba oppressors failed to ask which in part led to the failure of the Addis Ababa Agreement; at what cost will we forsake our fallen martyrs and living heroes to short circuit their vision of the New Sudan which they have handed us in a gold plate gift-warped? No to South Sudan and Yes to New Sudan.

I could pontificate on various reasons as to why my conviction would not allow me to vote for South Sudan so I will focus on one issue of our compatriots and brethrens of Southern Kordofan, for example, as its relates to the imminent secession of the south in two short years according to the CPA timeline. It must be recalled that there was no notable greater participation by the great Nuba Mountains’ people in the first civil war (1955-1972) that was waged by the Southern Sudan Libration Movement (SSLM) led by freedom fighter Joseph Lagu and its military wing; the Anya-Nya National Armed Forces (ANAF) among other libration movements of the time.  “Anya Nya at that time stood for the secession of South Sudan to form a separate sovereign state.  Before I joined the Anya - Nya Movement, I went to the camp of General Joseph Lagu, the Commander of the Anya-Nya to brief me about the objectives of his movement.  From his briefings, it was clear that his Movement was a separatist movement. I told him point blank that I was opposed to secession movements. I joined the Anya-Nya with a view of making fundamental changes in its aims and objectives.” Garang told Heritage in a 1987 interview. This is one of the main reasons the great people of Southern Kordofan in particular were almost non existence during the first civil war which also can easily be derived from the movements’ manifestos.

The same reasons caused the marginalised people of Southern Kordofan not to greatly participate in the libration movement of Anya-Nya II after the failure of the Addis Ababa Agreement which resulted in the Akobo mutiny of 1975 led by Lieutenant Vincent Kwany who founded Anya-Nya II.

The Sudan Peoples’ Liberation Movement (SPLM) on the other hand from its inception in 1983, was for the unity of the marginalised and the oppressed Sudanese in the New Sudan unlike its counters part Anya-Nya I/II. In fact the SPLM was able to convince many of the Anya-Nya II freedom fighters to join them and majority of the Anya-Nya II warriors, especially those who were from the greater Bahr el Ghazal region, formed the victorious Muor-Muor battalion after the first heroic Jamus battalion was formed by mostly the brave warriors of the former 104 and 105 battalions of Sudan. The merger of majority of the Anya-Nya II warriors with SPLM led to the near extinction of Anya-Nya II since 1987 and the vision of the New Sudan began to spread like wild fire among the marginalised people of the Sudan.

“We [Southern Kordufan representatives] were enthusiastic to read the SPLA manifesto of 1983, which talked about fighting for a united Sudan, for equality and share of power, share of economy, freedom of religion, freedom of speech and the freedom of practicing culture. That is what made us join the SPLA in 1984. When I [Yousif Kuwa] went there [Addis Ababa], of course I met him [Garang Mabior]. I told him that we, as an organisation in the Nuba Mountains, had decided to join the SPLA, if there weren''t any restrictions or something like that. “And since you are calling for a New Sudan, a new united Sudan”, I said, “We from our side have no objection to join you”. “And he welcomed us very much” said our great martyr, Yousif Kuwa Mekki during his interview with Nanne in 2001.

After his initial military training, Yousif Kuwa was sent to sell the SPLM vision and to establish diplomatic ties with the international community. “At that time the tribal identity of the Movement was a big issue. Questions like Dinka Bahr al Ghazal versus Dinka, Equatoria or the Movement being a Dinka movement and so on arose. Doctor Garang told me: “You go and hold rallies to explain that this is our Movement, that it has nothing to do with the propaganda of it being a Dinka movement”. “And this is exactly what I did”, said Yousif.

After completing his military training in Cuba, Yousif Kuwa returned to the Nuba Mountains, leading the great Volcano battalion with our great hero Abdel Aziz which victoriously conquered the Nuba Mountains along side the great Abushok battalion which had been waging libration battles against the enemy in Kordofan.

After the successes of the SPLA forces and the spread of the mission of the SPLA in the Nuba Mountains, thousands of Nubian youths, students and intellectuals went to Bilfam to join the movement and they were trained and fought battles among their South Sudanese comrades in our victorious battalions like Tegali, Tiger, Tumsha, Koryom, Kazuk, Zalzal and Itefadha, just to name a few. The Nuba people among their brethrens fought and died together all over South Sudan as their graves are their witnesses. God rest all our martyrs’ souls in peace.

When Omar Bashir deposed the Sadiq al-Mahdi regime in the 1989 coup, he declared a six month ceasefire for South Sudan. While the south was regrouping during the temporary non-bombardment period, the marginalised people of Nuba Mountains courageously continued to die for the vision of the SPLM. Thanks to the heroic leadership of brave men like Ismael Khamis who led three battalions in the western mountains.

The people of the Nuba Mountains also remained loyal to the vision of the New Sudan during the unfortunate break-away of some members of the SPLA in 1991. The Nuba people were literally left behind the enemy line from 1991 until the Nairobi declaration of unity between the SPLA and the Sudan People''s Democratic Front and the Sudan People’s Defense Force (SPDF) was signed in 2002.

“The Tullushi battle took place after the break-away of those of Riek and we had been cut off from the South. As a result, our logistics were minimal and I had to be very economical. When they [warriors] made noise, I just gave them two or three boxes and they would go and fight with it, and sometimes, of course, they captured ammunition from the government. They captured a lot of arms in the Tullushi battle and I remember we killed a lot of Iranians. In those years [1991-1992], the hunger was the most devastating. Actually it convinced me that hunger is the most dangerous enemy; we can fight with our enemies, against tanks, against what, but we cannot fight hunger. It was really a very bad time; a lot of people were suffering. And then some said that they wanted to go to the government. The government’s side had relief camps from the UN. Meanwhile the government was refusing any relief to come to us”, said Yousif during an interview.

In fact like many who later defected to become Khartoum government’s cronies, Yousif Kuwa admitted that he was contacted by Khartoum government through one of the ministers. He sent me a message, trying to tell me: “Yes, you have a problem, but this problem has nothing to do with the South. We are ready to sit with you as Nuba and solve this problem alone, without being part of the South”.

I answered by telling him that this was really the policy of the colonial powers: divide and rule. We are not claiming anything specific. Yes, it is true, we have our specific problems, but the problem is general. If we can solve the whole problem, then our problems will automatically be solved. I don’t think we can solve the Nuba problems without the South problem. And if we don’t want to fight the government, what do we do if the South is still fighting? That would mean we have to fight the South - either way we keep fighting.

Then, when those of Riek broke away, they tried again. A test of course; my reply was the same. We have our grievances with this government. When this government came to power, they declared a ceasefire for six months in the South. They didn’t do it, even for a day, in the Nuba Mountains; up to now they are allowing relief to go to the South and they are not allowing relief to come to us. So how do I trust such a government and how do we deal with such a government?”

It is clear from our martyr Yousif Kuwa’s direct words that the commitment of the Nuba people to the liberation struggle spearheaded by the SPLM/SPLA was not that of convenience but of choice, brotherhood and patriotism. Our oneness was neither created nor will it be broken by the lines drown on our glorious land by imperialist Anglo-Egyptian colonialists to divide us. Just like we have been inseparable throughout the systematic Arabisation and Islamisation policy or the divide and conquer policies, the succeeding Jellaba regimes of Sadiq al Mahdi, Ibrahim Abboud, Gaafar Nimeiri, Suwar al-Dahab and current and last Jellaba regime of Omar al-Bashir.

It is important that we answer the question posed by our visionary martyr Dr. Garang Mabior during his speech at the first convention which was led and organised by martyr Yousif Kuwa that “Without vision of the New Sudan what would have brought the Nuba here and for Commander Yousif Kuwa to be the Chairman of this Convention today?”

It is clear that the CPA is not the end of the struggle but the end of the beginning of the formation of the New Sudan as articulated in the SPLM/SPLA manifesto and reiterated during the first SPLM convention and as ratified by the second SPLM convention led by our president, Salva Kiir Mayardit. We were tricked with the Addis Ababa agreement and that was a shame on them but if we let them trick us with the CPA it will be shame on us. Therefore, we must always recall those morale songs of our great battalions that say Anya-Nya I and its leader among them Gai Tut were tricked and that SPLA will never be tricked because of their intelligence. I call your attention to this point because intelligence only will not be sufficient to achieve neither South Sudan as Southern Separatists would not like nor the New Sudan as I would like achieved.

As a child I wanted all of Sudan as demarcated by the colonial imperialists because I was taught that Arabs came to Sudan selling salt and never left. And that they began dominating our people and stole our land. In that sense I felt totally cheated out of my land and resources by the virtue of my inalienable nativity to the land. I resented their presence in Sudan especially as they used our resources to buy the weapons used against us. At my current age and due to exposure to literature and well informed people, I asked myself a fundamental question whose answer I believe each one of us must give a serious thought: Are Jellabas Sudanese, if not must they be expelled from Sudan?

Sudan was obviously derived from the word “Bilad El Sud” as our country was once called by the people of the Arabian Peninsula. In fact Sudan used to be called Africa until the European imperial colonialists scrambled and partitioned our continent and adopted the name ‘Africa’ to refer to the entire continent during the 19th century.

The social group call Jellaba as referenced previously began around the 15th century as a result of the interaction between foreign traders of Arab, Turkish, and Greek origin and a mixture of many other races in Sudan through intermarriages. Therefore, without writing a Jellaba history book, it can be concluded that the Jellaba are uniquely a hybrid of their own kind and thereby uniquely  qualified to call themselves whatever they want. This fact helps us, the Sudanese, to understand their obsession to call themselves Arabs. Their obsession is a psychological disease that prevents people from assimilating to their new land and accepting the facts of life like many who migrated to the land of the Sudan before being assimilated and have since loved the land without reservation to all of its good and bad characteristics.

The people of the lost race of Jellaba are our brothers by our grace and virtue of time that they have called Sudan home so we must accept to coexist for peace and prosperity cannot be realised without such coexistence. Some Jallabas who continue to be unpatriotic to the motherland and pledge allegiance to the Arab world before Sudan must take their senses for a reality check or else pack and head to Palestine. I mention this fact not to agitate this club but place our similarities into perspective.

I emphasise the social group of Jellaba in my argument for a ‘No’ to South Sudan and a ‘Yes’ to New Sudan to illustrate that Sudan as we know can neither be united by a document like CPA nor by military force or otherwise as attempted by the colonialists and preceding oppressive dictatorial regimes in Khartoum. Therefore, I must make it clear that the New Sudan as envisioned by our libration movement is not defined by a land mass or colonialist imperialists’ drawn borders but by the communal union of all the oppressed and the marginalised people of the Sudan seeking to build the model African state called the New Sudan. This point was better stated by our late visionary leader, Dr.Garang, that “It must be categorically stated that a solution within the context of one Sudan is only possible if the cardinal issues are addressed and only if the Sudan moves away from its present basis of Old Sudan to the New Sudan, for otherwise the country will break up and none of us in the SPLM/SPLA would shed any tears. We have given the child a name. Bahr el Ghazal, Equatoria, Southern Blue Nile, Southern Kordofan and Upper Nile now have a name – The New Sudan. Let us start with the New Sudan and we shall see in future whether we can advance forward or not – is it enough or not enough. Let us complete the libration of the New Sudan of the five regions first then we shall decide in future whether or not to advance forward”.

South Sudan and the New Sudan can and must be achieved at the same moment since their seeds have already been sowed and have now sprouted bright and healthy. I have come to greater realisation that those among us who want South Sudan and those of us who want the New Sudan are all fighting for the same thing for our grievances are the same and are against the same enemy. It reminds me of a tale that my friends used to tell: Once upon a time after a long day of fishing, a man from the Nuer tribe and another from the Dinka caught one big fish and both men argued about how it should be cooked. The Nuer fisherman was saying in thok-naath “ba-bul” and the Dinka fisherman said in thong-monjieng “ba-nyob.” After they could not agree on either of their proposals which they stood by without wavering, both men divided the fish and each prepared his share as each had wished. When both guys returned to the table to eat their fish, the Nuer fisherman said; “you copied me and his Dinka counterpart said the same. They both figured out that they were all along talking about the same thing but in different languages. (Excuse my poor “thok-naath” and “thong-monjieng”).

I share this story to illustrate that we have all along been arguing over the same thing with just some technical differences.  To ensure that we do not allow the enemy to exploit our communication barriers as it has successfully done time and time again to divide and abuse us, the marginalised people of Sudan, we must aggressively learn the language of South Sudan and that of the New Sudan. South Sudan, as defined by the colonial imperialists without our consent and which many of us who want South Sudan, consists of three regions namely Equatoria, Bahr el Ghazal and Upper Nile.

Those of us who want the New Sudan that many of our heroic martyrs died for and many more of our living heroes have sacrificed for consists of the following five regions as articulated in our libration movement’s manifesto and as reiterated during the first convention and as ratified by the second SPLM convention led by our president Kiir Mayardit; Southern Kordofan, Southern Blue Nile, Equatoria, Bahr el Ghazal, and Upper Nile.

To reconcile this technical barrier that threatens our union and brotherhood, I call for the New South Sudan as defined and demarcated by the people for the people of the New South Sudan. The union of the New Sudan vision and South Sudan can and must be realised in the New South Sudan as our grievances are one against one enemy.

I am convinced that the Old Sudan will not change its old ways to allow the unity of the entire nation under one flag. So when I remind you of the vision of the New Sudan and call your attention to the New South Sudan, I have no illusion that the New Sudan capital will ever be in Khartoum if we want lasting peace and prosperity. But the New Sudan in the context of the New South Sudan as defined by the regions of Bahr el Ghazal, Equatoria, Southern Blue Nile, Southern Kordufan and Upper Nile must be realised before or during the referendum of 2011 if that day will ever come.

I am simply asking you and our leaders to uphold our commitment to the oppressed and the marginalised people of the New South Sudan and to struggle with our brethrens of the Nuba Mountains as we chart these rough waters that will forever change Sudan as we know it. We must not leave behind the people of Southern Kordofan and of the Southern Blue Nile after being behind the enemy line throughout our struggle for the libration of all the oppressed Sudanese.

I am deeply sadden that our leadership has not yet decisively declared Southern Kordofan and Southern Blue Nile part of the South Sudan/New South Sudan if our long term strategy is total independence from the Old Sudan. The Governor of Southern Kordofan Major General Ismael Khamis says that “the protocol of solving the conflict in Blue Nile and Southern Kordofan has several loopholes and there are so many unanswered questions regarding the Southern Kordofan. We had wanted it to be more like the protocols that address the issue of the South Sudan”.

“When we mandated our late commander, Dr. John Garang, in the All Nuba Conference that was held in Kauda in 2002, our objective was that the Nuba Mountains should have self-determination. Instead, the CPA came with something called Popular Consultation - of whose meaning we are not even very sure of. It states that the elected parliament should see whether this Agreement is okay or not for the people of the Nuba Mountains”.

We, the people of South Sudan, as defined by borders drawn to divide us by colonial imperialists must reassure our brethrens of Southern Kordofan and Southern Blue Nile in particular that we will neither abandon them nor betray their sacrifices made during the liberation struggle as they did not betray us even when they were behind the enemy line for decades during the liberation struggle. Our leaders still have time to rescue the New South Sudan but the time is running out and the final hour is coming upon us sooner than anyone thinks or expects except the enemy for the enemy will attempt to hijack the vessel of peace one more time but this time as Garang said it best in 1994 “I assure you that the present NIF regime is the last Government of the Old Sudan for the next Government after that of the NIF will either be the Government of the New Sudan according to the SPLM/SPLA vision, or else the Sudan will break up into several states”.

The CPA protocol on Southern Kordofan and Southern Blue Nile can be summed up as “Addis Ababa Agreement on steroid”. Therefore an alternative solution of assuring that the New South Sudan remains intact which I believe has been developed must be implemented aggressively right away even before 2010 crouches on us in a matter of days. The strategy in the CPA hoped to achieve peace and assuring freedom in Southern Kordofan in particular is failing because of some sold out long time mercenaries of the former National Islamic Front who claim to be natives of Kordofan and yet traitors of their own interest and of their people. They have become complete tools of the former National Islamic Front since they accepted their second class citizenship for monies.
I plead with them to stop their short sighted visions and begin to work for their unborn so they will not have to be acquiring no-class citizenship in their own land by default. I must tell them directly that you are welcome into the union of the New Sudan; we will not call you out for having been on the wrong side of history during the liberation struggle. Do not bring down sacrifices of great revolutionary martyrs and heroes and unite to bring Southern Kordofan and Southern Blue Nile to the Promised Land.

We, the people and the government of the oppressed and the marginalized, must not look back but match forward in force carrying unmistakable flag of the New Sudan with no pale pastels but bold colors as the 40th president of the United States once said. I am convinced that we the people if allowed to choose succession or unity of the Old Sudan will absolutely and unequivocally choose secession, disproving the false consensus effect theory.

I have come to terms with my spirit that I will not shed a tear should our people decide to secede from the Old Sudan and form the New South Sudan even though it will be a little short of what I believe as our last visionary leader once said that “we can only achieve our aim, whether this is the New Sudan, Self-Determination or Separation, only and only if we destroy the system of the Old Sudan, for it is unthinkable that the regime will voluntarily relinquish power or be forced by international pressures to grant separation. That is wishful thinking which is not in the vocabulary of freedom fighters”.

I am accepting the New South Sudan before the complete destruction of the system of the Old Sudan because I know that the last oppressive dictatorial regime in Khartoum is taking its final breath as it disappears from the face of earth. We must not however, make the mistake of leaving any of our comrades and their children behind especially those in land of our historic kingdoms of Kush and Meroe. If we leave any of our compatriots behind the enemy line, then we must accept to give away their children and generations to come to death.

For those who will still blindly vote for South Sudan as demarcated by the imperial colonialists and by the lost race of Jellaba, I ask you to honestly think through your vote and demand the New South Sudan.

For those who ask themselves; “but how can I vote for New South Sudan when it will not be on the ballot in 2011?” I say to you that continue doing the patriotic things that you and our government is doing but in addition write letters of concerns to our leaders in every assembly body in the Government of South Sudan (GoSS) asking them not to leave our comrades behind especially those in Southern Kordofan and Southern Blue Nile and send letters of support and solidarity to our leaders and the people of Southern Kordofan and Southern Blue Nile. Start up your business in either one of those regions.

The GoSS must increase; aggressively and perpetually develop both regions in spite of the 45-55 percent power sharing protocol in the areas for SPLM and former National Islamic Front respectively for we fought not for power but for freedom of the marginalised people. The people will not remember who had more ministers in the state assembly but they will remember who built the school, the water well and the clinic when they get to choose their destiny. Take care of the people and people will take care of the power allocation.

The GoSS must also aggressively and importantly formally grant citizenship of the autonomous South Sudan to all the people in Southern Kordofan and Southern Blue Nile, waiving any and all fees in addition to expediting the associated process accordingly. This is an extremely important step in the process of guaranteeing that we do not leave our comrades behind. As citizens of South Sudan, their inalienable rights will be protected by our constitution by all means necessary. We must also recognise that this is the 21st century and nothing can be done in the darkness of the night undetected, even the former NIF has finally realised that their emperor is ‘naked’ as he will see the end of his rein soon. So we must act boldly and fiercely for history is on our side and ingenuity is in our possession. This is the moment we have been waiting for and we must seize it for it will never come again should we let it go. The consequences will be dire if we lose it for generations to come.

The government of the marginalised people under the leadership of President Salva Kiir must immediately execute the two steps I have mentioned above necessary for complete liberation of the marginalised people while we the people do three or five tasks we have been doing beside the two items that I have mentioned above.

We will be able to declare total independence for the last time from colonialism, Arabisation and Islamisation and finally formally name our new born nation whatever we choose; whether that will be in 2011 or whenever we the people decide to raise the same flag of the New Sudan that ourselves, our martyrs and our heroes held up high while we crushed the enemy and walked tall and proud when we captured every town from Torit in Equatoria to Kauda Kordofan.